JOHN C CALHOUN DISQUISITION ON GOVERNMENT PDF

Notes on John C. Calhoun, A Disquisition on Government, () But “this [ social] state cannot exist without government”, and “In no age or country has any . A Disquisition on Government [John C. Calhoun, H. Lee Cheek Jr.] on Amazon. com. *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. This volume provides the most. A DISQUISITION ON GOVERNMENT. In order to have a clear and just conception of the nature and object of government, it is indispensable to understand.

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For, as the community becomes populous, wealthy, refined, and highly civilized, the difference between the rich and the poor will become more strongly marked; and the number of the ignorant and dependent greater in proportion to the rest of the community. It never did, nor can exist; as it is inconsistent with the preservation and perpetuation of the race.

Indeed, public and private morals are so nearly allied, that it would be difficult for it to be otherwise. Indeed, public and private morals are so nearly allied, that it would be difficult for it to be otherwise.

And hence, the numerical, unmixed with the concurrent majority, necessarily forms, in all cases, absolute government. The reason is obvious. That of the concurrent, as has been shown, is to unite the community, let its interests be ever so diversified or opposed; while that of the numerical is to divide it into two conflicting portions, let its interests be, naturally, ever so united and identified. If, then, such a supposition be inadmissible, they must, in their orderly and full development, end in his permanent good.

If reversed — if their feelings and affections were stronger for others than for themselves, or even as strong, the necessary result would seem to be, that all individuality would be lost; and boundless and remediless disorder and confusion would ensue.

Summary: A Disquisition On Government by John C. Calhoun | Craig W. Wright

The former of these I shall call the numerical, or absolute majority; and the latter, the concurrent, or constitutional majority.

The one is, that it is difficult of construction, which has already been sufficiently noticed; and the other, that governmsnt would be impracticable to obtain the concurrence of conflicting interests, where they were numerous and diversified; or, if not, that the process for this purpose, would be too tardy to meet, with sufficient promptness, the many and dangerous emergencies, to which all communities are exposed.

It never did, nor can exist; as it is inconsistent with the preservation and perpetuation of the race. It will assign a larger sphere to power and a more contracted one to liberty, or the reverse, according to circumstances.

Direct quotes have been marked as such. If the whole community had the same interests, so that the interests of each and every portion would be so affected by the action of the government, that the laws which oppressed or impoverished one portion, would necessarily oppress and impoverish all others — or the reverse — then the right of suffrage, of itself, would be all-sufficient to counteract the tendency of the government to oppression and abuse of its powers; and, of course, would form, of itself, a perfect constitutional government.

In order to form a just estimate of the full force of these advantages — without reference to any other consideration — it must be remembered, that government — to fulfill the ends for which it is ordained, and more especially that of protection against external dangers — must, in the present condition of the world, be clothed with powers sufficient to call forth the resources of the community, and be prepared, at all times, to command them promptly in every emergency which may possibly arise.

A Disquisition on Government (1849)

And hence, there will be diffused throughout the whole community kind feelings between its different portions; and, instead of antipathy, a rivalry amongst them to promote the interests of each other, as far as this can be done consistently with the interest of all.

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Furthermore liberty and the progress that it engenders, bestows civilization with more security. Each, in consequence, has a dosquisition regard for his own safety or happiness, than for the safety or happiness of others; and, where these come in opposition, is ready to sacrifice the interests of others to his own. It is this mutual negative among its various conflicting interests, which invests each with the power of protecting itself. I diquisition to the assertion, that all men are equal in the state of nature; meaning, by a state of nature, a state of individuality, supposed to have existed prior to the social and political state; and in which men lived apart and independent of each other.

Diaquisition it is manifest that the right of suffrage, in making these changes, transfers, in reality, the actual control over the government, from those who make and execute the laws, to the body of disuisition community; and, thereby, places the powers of the government as fully in the mass of dissuisition community, as they would be if they, in fact, had assembled, made, and executed the laws themselves, without the intervention of representatives or agents.

You can leave a responseor trackback from your own site. It will assign a larger sphere to power no a more contracted one to liberty, or the reverse, according to circumstances.

Few, comparatively, as they are, the agents and employees of the government constitute that portion of the community who are the exclusive recipients of the proceeds of the taxes. But, as great as they now are, they have as yet attained nothing like their maximum force. Nor would the good effects resulting thence be confined to those who take an active part in political affairs.

Twice, during its existence, she protected Christendom, when in great danger, by defeating the Johm under governmeny walls of Vienna, and permanently arresting thereby the tide of their conquests westward. In a Union such as the United States, would the several states exercise the veto power of the concurrent majority? He was more concerned about national strength and unity than about curbing majorities to protect intense minority interests.

I call the right of suffrage the indispensable and primary principle; for it would be a great and dangerous mistake to suppose, as many do, that it is, of itself, sufficient to form constitutional governments. This dispensation seems to be the result of some governkent law — and every effort to disturb or defeat it, by attempting to elevate a people in the scale of liberty, above the point to which they are entitled to rise, must ever prove abortive, and end in disappointment.

This controlling power, wherever vested, or by whomsoever exercised, is government.

So powerful, indeed, is the operation of the concurrent majority, in this respect, that, if it were possible for a corrupt and degenerate community to establish and maintain a well-organized government of the kind, it would of itself purify and regenerate them; while, on the other hand, aclhoun government based wholly on the numerical majority, would just as certainly corrupt and debase the most patriotic and virtuous people.

Such being the case, it necessarily results, that the right of suffrage, by placing the gvernment of the government in the community must, from the same constitution of our nature which makes government necessary to preserve society, lead to conflict among its different interests — each striving to obtain possession of its powers, disqusiition the means of protecting itself against the others — or of advancing its respective interests, regardless of the interests of others.

Among these, England and the United States afford striking examples, not only of the effects of liberty in increasing power, but of the more perfect adaptation of governments founded on the principle of the concurrent, or constitutional majority, to enlarge and secure liberty.

Few, comparatively, as they are, the agents and employees of the government constitute that portion of the community who are the exclusive recipients of the proceeds of the taxes.

To their successful application may be fairly traced the subsequent advance of our race in civilization sisquisition intelligence, calboun which we now enjoy the benefits. Diquisition finished, yesterday, the preliminary work [ A Disquisition ], which treats of the elementary principles of the Science of Government So great is the difference, politically speaking, between the two majorities, that they cannot be confounded, without leading to great and fatal errors; and yet the distinction between them has been so entirely overlooked, that when the term majority is used in political discussions, it is applied exclusively to designate the numerical—as if there were no other.

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In order to have a clear and just conception of the nature and object of government, it is indispensable to understand correctly what that constitution or law of our nature is, in which government originates; or, to express it more fully and accurately—that law, without which government would not, and with which, it must necessarily exist.

As Calhoun himself noted in his letter of June 15,from Fort Hill:.

The deep impression they make, whenever they occur, is the strongest proof that they are regarded as exceptions to some general and well understood law of our nature; just as some of the minor powers of the material world are apparently to gravitation.

Such being the case, it must necessarily follow, that some one portion of the community must pay in taxes more than it receives back in disbursements; while another receives in disbursements more than it pays in taxes. The assumption rests on universal experience.

The seeds of this doctrine were introduced by Thomas Jefferson and James Madison in the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions of and In coming to this conclusion, I have assumed the organism to be perfect, and the different interests, portions, or classes of the community, to be sufficiently enlightened to understand its character and object, and to exercise, with due intelligence, the right of suffrage. More cannot be safely or rightly allotted to it.

This would truly be the sense of the entire community; for whatever diversity each interest might have within itself—as all would have the same interest in reference to the action of the government, the individuals composing each would be fully and truly represented by its own majority or appropriate organ, regarded in reference to the other interests.

Liberty leaves each free to pursue the course he may deem best to promote his interest and happiness, as far as it may be compatible with the primary end for which government is ordained — while security gives assurance to each, that he shall not be deprived of the fruits of his exertions to better his condition. So vast is this superiority, that the one, by its operation, necessarily leads to their development, while the other as necessarily prevents it — as has been fully shown.

Between these there is the same tendency to conflict—and from the same constitution of our nature—as between men individually; and even stronger—because the sympathetic or social feelings are not so strong between different communities, as between individuals of the same community.

It is thus the two come to be confounded, and a part made identical with the whole. As the major and dominant party, they will have no need of these restrictions for their protection. Such being the case, it necessarily results, that the right of suffrage, by placing the control of the government in the community must, from the same constitution of our nature which makes government necessary to preserve society, lead to conflict among its different interests—each striving to obtain possession of its powers, as the means of protecting itself against the others—or of advancing its respective interests, regardless of the interests of others.